De flesta människor föredrar att höra om hur respekt, familjevärden och fosterlandskärlek ska återupprättas framför att bli tillsagda att deras privata tankar om kvinnor, utlänningar eller homosexuella, som förvisso kan vara politiskt inkorrekta, är skulden till olika slags fasor.

Enn Kokk på nationaldagen

Ett samhälles bestånd och vidareutveckling vilar, i formell och självfallet fundamental mening, på de rättigheter vi har som medborgare. Men jag tror också, att ett sådant medborgarperspektiv är för endimensionellt, att det inte är tillräckligt för att förklara, vad det är för något som binder oss människor samman till en samhällsgemenskap.

När vi tänker på det här landet, Sverige, där vi lever, finns det väldigt mycket annat än allmän rösträtt, pressfrihet och så vidare som gör att vi känner oss hemma just här:

”Skogen, sjöarna, havet, allemansrätten (åtminstone än så länge), musiken, litteraturen, konsten. Vi har faktiskt en hel del att känna kärlek till”, skrev min gamle vän Hans O Sjöström i ett inlägg här på bloggen i mars förra året.

Det är så sant. Självklart finns det lika vacker natur också i andra länder. Men det hindrar inte, att det, när vi nu bor just här i Sverige – och det gäller även mig som har levt mina första levnadsår i Estland – finns anledning att slå vakt om just de kvaliteter och värden, som utmärker det här landet.

Jan Myrdal i AB på nationaldagen

Om staten har jag talat, dess historia och lagar men också om det traditionellt ideologiska som sitter oss i bakhuvudet och präglar vårt språk och det tillsynes helt privata i vår svenska folkkulturs tradition. Sammantagna bidrar de till att forma vår nationalitet.
Låt oss avsluta med ett fyrfaldigt leve för det svenska folket, dess svenska nation, vår hembygd!

Utöver detta rekommenderas Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson, och för den som gillar lite hårdare tag Michel Rienzis nya engelskspråkiga blogg Communist Revolutionary Action Party. Läs även Oskoreis debatt med bloggaren dialektiken.

 ? 1897 — 11 juni 1963

Medlem av NSDAP från tjugotalet fick han likväl måleriförbud 1941 på grund av sin urartade stil. Oförmögen att sluta måla gick han då över till akvarell, för att grannarna inte skulle känna lukten av färg och anmäla honom till Konstfrämjandet.

*

Nedan en yngre samtida med Nolde, inte lika framstående kolorist, men inte så bottenlöst usel som det ofta hävdas, väl? I denne målares umgänge gör sig dock den välbekanta tyska träsmaken oftast påmind. Det ligger nära till hands att misstänka att de herderska rötterna här ville ta vägen framförallt via alla måleriska träbockars stora skyddspatron, Albrecht Dürer. Det är varken en lätt väg att följa eller en särkilt bördig jordmån.

Den hågade kan bilda sig en egen uppfattning i The Adolf Hitler Art Gallery.

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Varför fantiserar jag om Mandelstams död
bland dessa gulnade kokosnötter,
varför ser sig min gåva redan om över axeln
efter en skugga som ska fylla dörren
och förmörka själva denna sida?
Varför växer månen till en strålkastare
och bereder sig bläcket på min hand att pressa ner tummen
inför en likgiltig konstapel?
Vad är det för en ny arom i luften
som nyss var salt, som doftade av kalk i gryningen,
och min katt, jag vet jag inbillar mig det, hoppar ur min väg,
och mina barns ögon ter sig redan som horisonter,
och alla mina dikter, även denna, vill gömma sig?

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Nedan om Doppplereffekt, från skivbolaget Gigolo Records’ hemsida. Fast låt er inte luras, mystiken, anonymiteten och de begränsade vinylupplagorna är förstås bara ännu en variant av marknadsföringsteknik i Kali Yuga. Projektet tycks vara att identifiera med Gerald Donald/Drexciya.

Dopplereffekt are one of the strangest and most mysterious units of the contemporary electronic music scene. There are no interviews and hardly any live appearances. Nobody really knows who they are, their releases have so far only been available on limited vinyl on Dataphysix/Detroit. The composers hide behind strange German pseudonyms whereas the songtitles and lyrics are in English and make up a strange mixture of scientific, sexually explicit and political allusions. [...] DJ Hell managed to make contact with the Dopplereffekt headquarter in Detroit and made it possible for his International Deejay Gigolo Records to release the collected works of Dopplereffekt on double 12‘‘+ 7‘‘ as well as for the first time on CD under the title ”Gesamtkunstwerk”.

Brasklapp: Anarken tar egentligen numera avstånd från modern musik, betrakta detta som ett återfall.

Lenin’s ‘vanguard party’ of Marxist cadres, disciplined and ideally full-time, his ‘professional revolutionaries’, was the most formidable political invention of the 20th century. Its impact on the history of that century was extraordinary. Some thirty years after Lenin arrived at the Finland Station, parties of this type ruled over one third of the world’s population. By dint of following the Leninist model, small groups were able to punch far above their weight, while in the right historical circumstances, their structure afforded them enormous potential for expansion and, indeed, state-building. [...]

How modest the numbers were is often forgotten. When Tsarism fell in 1917 Bolshevik membership in Russia was estimated at ten thousand, of whom three thousand were in the capital. (In 1914 the St Petersburg membership had been barely five hundred.) In November 1940, less than four years before it took power in Belgrade, the Yugoslav Communist Party had six thousand members; at its lowest point, in 1932, it had counted barely two hundred. [...]

Who were they, the members of such parties? What, if anything, distinguished them from those who did not join? How different were their expectations and attitudes? Until the fall of the Berlin Wall these questions were asked and answered chiefly by impassioned anti-Communists, many of them breast-beating former devotees of the God That Failed. With some notable exceptions — Annie Kriegel was one — they wrote works of condemnation, warning and fear rather than understanding and analysis, sometimes based on theories about deviancy and totalitarian personality best forgotten.

[...]

[T]he disintegration of the movement has made possible the current flood of memoir, autobiography and prosopographical research. It is largely the work of former or surviving Party members in the non-Communist world, a disproportonately articulate sample of humanity, on the basis of the gigantic accumulation of biographical source material in the now accessible Russian C[ommunist]P[arty] and, to a lesser extent, Western intelligence archives. Since they are about a movement which has, for practical purposes, ceased to exist in its traditional form, at least in Europe, they are mostly free from the temptations of agitprop and self-justifying polemic, though not of the acids of academic controversy. They probably constitute the rare phenomenon of an obituary literature written from the grave.

[...]

In some respects the British CP, whose claim to historic significance is modest, was similar to other CPs. Its members were overwhelmingly drawn from the pre-existing cultural milieus of the left, liberal, labour, socialist or (in the case of immigrant Eastern Jews or Irish) from those generally sympathetic to rebels.

[...]

Labour leaders as well as Communists expressed enthusiasm for the Soviet Union and its achievements: as late as 1937, Attlee, who didn’t doubt that the USSR was part of the socialist family though its practices were unsuited to Britain, was the only leader of a major social-democratic party associated with Moscow’s celebration of the 20th anniversary of the Soviet Union. In practice, Communists, especially in the workplace, were not seen as rivals but as part of the labour community, even when Labour, anticipating the subsequent Cold War division, had firmly drawn the line between the lefts of ‘democracy’ and ‘dictatorship’. British Communism was thus deeply enmeshed with the long-established labour and socialist movement of the only country in which a massively class-conscious industrial working class formed a majority of the population. As Morgan’s team shows, working-class British autobiographies contain hardly any of the narratives of sudden conversion so common among workers in the first generation of European Marxist social democracy. Overwhelmingly they see Communism issuing out of continuity. CP historians saw themselves both as innovators and as heirs of their radical-liberal and Fabian predecessors. Contrary to the ‘Internationale’, British Communism had no inclination to ‘sweep away the past’; ‘du passé faisons table rase’ was not part of its agenda.

[…]

Why has so powerful a socio-political invention as the classical Leninist Party had so relatively brief a career? The extraordinary success of such parties coincided with the first half, the Age of Catastrophe, of the ‘short’ 20th century, an era of world wars, imperial breakdowns, revolutions and wars for national and social liberation, unsuited to the institutions of democratic mass politics in several of the few countries where they operated. After 1949 and the last of their successful revolutions (the Chinese), opposition Communist parties lived on diminishing capital. South Africa was to be their only major achievement. Their main inspiration, an international movement, disappeared with the Chinese-Soviet split. Since the 1960s their chosen constituencey as the agents of social transformation, the industrial working class, has been eroding and fragmenting. They were slow to recognice postwar social changes.

[…]

The classical non-regime Communist party is today almost extinct as a political force in Europe and the Americas, though not in parts of India. There is no real prospect of its revival. Nor, except possibly in Nepal [sic], have dissident Marxist verisons replaced it. Few if any of the current non-Communist revolutionary or insurrectionary bodies, now mostly ethnic or confessional, look to the Leninist model as they once did. On the other hand, Communist parties survive as state organisations shorn of the old commitment to a centrally state-planned socialism, but, as in China and Vietnam, as extremely effective sponsors of what might be called controlled market economies. Since China is today seen as the exemplar of economic success and the 21st century is likely to provide ample scope for controlled and regulated economies, the post-Communist-state party is not about to fade away. What Lenin would think of it is another question.

Jfr Oskorei om Paul Piccone idag.